Wednesday, August 31, 2005 

Blog Day

Today is International Blog Day, the idea being that every blogger recommends five blogs on their own blog with a short synopsis of the recommended blog. Full instructions are available here. So the idea is to recommend five blogs that have different perspectives from yours. Here are my five:

MaxiSmeg gets a mention - the blog of what I assume to be a young, male Christian from Ireland, which is both spiritual, contemporary and personal. A good read, even if I don't really agree with...well...anything he tends to say!
Recommendation #1 Mundane Musings on Mediocrity

Second recommendation is the wonderful Muslim site Veiled for Allah

The third blog is really bizarre - Bushites selling tshirts that say Peace Through Firearm Superiority etc... It's Blogging for Bush

The fourth blog is a place to share ideas on how to end the genocide in The Sudan and is a wonderful blog fabulously run. Recommendation # 4 is Sudan: The Passion of the Present

And finally, something I don't think I'll ever understand but something marvellously funny: a straight blog about dating, love etc... with one male and one female blogger. It's almost like an online 'Sex and the City'. Recommendation # 5 is Kiss and Blog

Happy Blog Day everyone!

 

Hijab and Hypocrisy

Recently both Suzy and Morgan have blogged about hijab, although with very different perspectives. Suzy was lamenting the new western male ‘liberationist’ machismo as characterised by people like Matthew Parris, while Morgan has been reflecting on whether or not hijab is an oppressive entity (incl. what I considered a funny comparison between the ‘bright and colourful’ shalwar kameez worn in Pakistan and other South-East Asian nations and the dark depressing black of Hijab).
So yes, here’s my two-penny worth!

First of all I think that some blanket assumption that hijab=oppression needs to be clearly rebutted. I will accept that in some cases the veil/burqa/chador is used to oppress women, I mean the word hijab “comes from the Arabic word “hajaba” meaning to hide from view or conceal. Although in the present time, the context of hijab is the modest covering of a Muslim woman” (From Desert Store: ‘Arabia’s Best Online Store’), and the veil itself is a relatively recent phenomenon thought to have been inspired by the headgear of Catholic nuns in the Lebanon, which itself was inspired by the head covering in Western art (think, for example, of Michelangelo’s Mother of Christ from Pieta).
All this said, however, the veil has played an important role in activism and liberation activism in Muslim countries. Take for example Iran, where during the Revolution women, who agreed with the political/religious advocacy, were stuck between wanting to distance themselves from what was known as the Wetoxicated woman and not wanting to be limited to the chador, so they began to engage in what they called hijab-e Islami (veil, tunic and trousers). This empowered women to become involved in the revolution and the process of nation-building. Now let’s not over simplify matters: the role that the veil plays within national liberation movements can very much depend on the extant gender roles in the country – far too much to go into here, but Valerie Moghadam sums it up concisely thus:

[W]ithin some political projects women are linked to modernization and progress.
In other cases, women are regarded as central to cultural rejuvenation and
religious orthodoxy. In Muslim countries, polemics surrounding veiling and
unveiling are tied to different conceptions of the ideal society and to
strategies of state-building….[Differences in representations of veiled women]
may be explained in terms of the different types of nationalist movements…and in
terms of shifting relationship between nationalist goals and the struggle for
women’s
rights.

Gender and National Identity: Women and Politics in Muslim Societies

So what does this have to do with current discourses around the veil? Well, women’s rights and women’s liberation has become a central issue in the ‘War on Terror’ (or should that be the War on Islam??) with traditional dress becoming one of the main arguments in the process of demonising Islam. This is evident in both the statements of politicians and popular media opinion columns, such as that of Matthew Parris. But what’s the problem with this?

Firstly it’s not true: they don’t really care. This war isn’t about women and liberation. It never was, although some of us (me included) may originally have thought it was. Instead it’s a cynical manipulation of issues that is both disingenuous and dangerous. It’s dangerous because it makes the veil/burqa/chador a political statement of what the oppressive West is about. It therefore places women again on the front line in the representation of the nation state making them (a) targets and (b) objectified as ‘nation’ without recognition of their complex character identities. It’s therefore counter-productive.

It’s hypocritical. The hijab is a very easy target: it’s visible, it’s high profile, it’s an express manifestation of religious beliefs that many believe may be oppressive to women (and again I’ll accept that there may be some truth in that). But it’s hypocritical to focus on hijab and see it as a reason to ‘liberate’ women from oppressive societies when we fail absolutely to recognise the oppressive structures in western society. Certainly hijab is a distinctly Muslim notion, but what about the Western religion of plastic surgery, bodily perfection, fashion horses etc? Isn’t that oppressive?? What about the less manifest oppressive forces, like pervasive Catholicism and the denial of sexual and bodily control to women? What about domestic violence, the unavailability of abortion etc… etc…? Hijab is an easy target that makes the West look like they care about women and women’s rights, but if they did then they’d take women’s rights far more seriously at home as well.

There are more intricate and complex arguments around the veil and its importance from a Muslim feminist perspective but I wouldn’t pretend to be sufficiently familiar with them to go into them. The point I’m trying to make is that all those chaps riding in on their apache helicopters to save women from hijab are using women as an excuse to kill and appropriate, they don’t understand hijab or the gendered implications of their actions. Worse still, they don’t care.

Saturday, August 27, 2005 

Marching with Pride

Today, for the first time, British Troops marched in a gay pride parade....in uniform!!
Well done Manchester. And well done soldiers!!

 

The Inevitable Same-Sex Marriage Post

Blogland is a funny place – I don’t think many people discover them until they decide to start their own blogs, but when they do then they are addicted and post and read blogs regularly. MaxiSmeg is, I suspect, one such chap – he posted a comment to this blog this morning and that resulted in me looking at his and, eventually, to him posting a new blog entry on same-sex marriage. So this is the response, although before getting into it I have to note an interesting parallel between the two of us despite our very clear opposing views on many things. He notes that he started to read my blog and pretty soon realised I am a lesbian and thought ‘oh, this will be interesting’ – on checking out his blog I had a comparable experience, After a few minutes I realised he was a Christian, and not a passive Christian at that, and also thought ‘well, this should be interesting’. So we’ve a natural curiosity for each other’s viewpoints which, although unlikely to give rise to a happy marriage [;-)] should give rise to some interesting interaction.

I was happy to see, when I read his marriage entry, that Maxi didn’t really have recourse to the standard arguments of the anti-marriage-equality lobby, although his use of language did interest me – I’ve always been fascinated by the insistence of the Right/Christian to use terms like ‘promoting lifestyle’ and ‘committed homosexualists’. I don’t understand what they mean or where they came from – perhaps I should drag him around queer Dublin (excuse the pun) and update his jargon…I might even stumble out a decade of the rosary as the counter-side of the deal!

The Debate!


So onto the main debate: same-sex marriage. The arguments advanced by Maxi in opposition are essentially connected to one thing: moral judgment. In fact to my mind moral judgment is one of the only things/emotions that can not be countered – it is formed be personal experiences and beliefs, and if he wants to believe that there is something morally wrong about opening marriage to same-sex couples then so be it. What I want to do instead is (a) tackle some of the prongs of his elaborated argumentation and (b) make out a moral case in favour of same-sex marriage.
[Watch out folks – this post will likely be a long one]

Firstly I agree with his submissions relating to studies – people spend endless hours carrying out and citing studies around parenting, marriage, happiness, health etc… in these debates, but what is essential is that we all realise that to some extent studies can be manipulated to result in desired outcomes. If the Vatican sponsored a study it would say ‘no’. whereas if the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Committee commissioned a study it would say ‘yes’. Every study will have a counter-study. They’re pointless. This is a first principles debate and should remain so.

Secondly he looks at the issue of God and the Bible and elaborates on the two mentions of homosexuality in the Bible, both of which ‘condemn’ it to some extent. To be honest I’m sceptical about these kinds of Bible-based/religion-based arguments for a number of reasons:
(a) The Bible also condemns wearing clothes made out of certain types of material, who decides what elements are to be taken literally and what not? Why do we put so much faith in this text?;
(b) The Bible is an interpretation rewritten over centuries. This isn’t some kind of left wing conspiracy but historically verified. I’d rather put my faith in my personal connection with whatever God I believed in than a reinterpretation of passed down stories that can't be said to be verifiable statements of God’s will;
(c) Religions will generally have some kind of vested interest in condemning homosexuality because generally religions are male dominated and patriarchal (within the original and political meaning of the term). I believe that violence has been constructed as the ultimate expression of masculinity and macho, and that heterosexual sex is a means of violence that bolsters that masculine identity. I believe that churches are predominantly male-run and dominated and that a thread to masculinity is therefore a thread to churches. And I believe that churches perceive homosexuality as a thread to masculinity. There is, therefore, self-interest in the condemnation of homosexuality.

Now some might say that this objection is linked to whether or not being gay is ‘natural’ or whether same-sex relationships are ‘natural’, and indeed Maxi makes this link when he considers the nature v. nurture debate in his blog. To my mind it really doesn’t matter whether it’s nature or nurture, and I’m pretty convinced it’s a mixture of both. Lots of people are born gay and choose, as a result of upbringing (i.e. nurture), to repress that sexuality. Some straight people may choose to be gay/bisexual because of their experiences in life or political beliefs (political lesbianism was, of course, very popular in the early second wave women’s movement). I don’t think it matters at all because the argument is the same – we are individuals with individual identities which we choose to express and if someone choose to express a queer identity that is bound up with their human autonomy and the state and institutions should respect that right.

Finally he considers the fundamental nature of marriage and whether or not extending it to same-sex couples would constitute a threat thereto. The first issue here is that religious and state marriage are different – religions can retain all the autonomy over their definitions of marriage that they want: people voluntarily subscribe to a religion and can therefore choose to live within its dogma. The state, however, should be free of these religious influences do what is fair, respectful and protective of her people. To my mind that represents opening marriage to all those who wish to be a party to it apart from those already married or those within degrees of blood relationship deemed medically unsuitable for such relationships.

The Moral Case for Same-Sex Marriage

People who form bonds of interdependence and love should be able to ensure that their relationship is protected from outside interference and that they are protected in relation to one another. Both types of protection would consist of a range of rights and obligations enforced by the law. As it stands the only way in which a couple in Ireland can acquire that level of rights and responsibilities is through marriage, which is not open to same-sex couples. This is reprehensible: it denies people the opportunity to enter into a secure legal framework for their relationship, for their children (and yes, queers do have children), and for their futures. And why? Because they fell in love with someone who has the same basic biology as them, not for any other reason.

I live a life that is both the same and different to yours – it is the same in as much as I get up every morning, go to work, do my job, pay my bills, love my family, get angry, feel sad, pay taxes, vote, travel etc.. But it’s different inasmuch as I’m queer – when I kiss my lover I am kissing the lips of another woman: a woman with whom I want to spent an exceptionally long time, a woman with whom I want to have children. Children that I want to be able to protect and take care of and ensure that if their biological mother dies then their other mother can help them through that process and protect them and raise them. These are natural emotions and desires – they are honourable emotions and desires. What is unnatural is the denial to me of the potential to fulfil those desires.

 

Legal (Mis)Representation

And here we go again: another queerphobic attack, another queer panic defence. Yes, the defence lawyers for Jason Cazares, Michael Magidson and Jose Meral have claimed that the murder of seventeen year old Gwen Araujo was a result of wounded pride and panic, and not of simple hatred manifested in violence.

The case concerns three men, Jason Cazares, Michael Magidson and Jose Merel (all 25), who are charged with first degree murder of Araujo. It is alleged that they beat and strangled her to death after discovering (by means of forcibly pulling aside her underwear) that she was a transgendered youth, originally named Edward. Two of the defendants had had some level of sexual experience with her in the past, which, apparently, aroused their suspicions. Once these suspicions were then confirmed they proceeded to kill the young woman.

And the defence attorneys’ response? They claim that at most this is a case of manslaughter, but ask the jury for an acquittal – why? Because they claim this was a crime committed in the heat of the moment, a crime of passion resulting from the discovery which, according to Cazares lawyer, set off a maelstrom of emotions “comparable to the Titanic sinking for these people”. I don’t know whether he was trying to be ironic with the imagery of a sinking ship, but he was certainly being clear and conspicuous about the defence: ‘the victim was a man who conned the accused into believing that she was a woman and as a result deserved to be killed, I mean, you can’t expect a REAL man not to do anything when faced with such a situation’.

In other words – she wounded our clients’ pride and they had to reassert it somehow and, of course, they did that through violence like any real man would do. They had to prove they weren’t queers. They had to prove they weren’t poofs. Wouldn’t you have done the same? Can’t you understand?

The original trial resulted in a hung jury. Here’s hoping we get some kind of result this time, and that the jury doesn’t let itself be conned by panic defences that try to convince them that there was no intention to kill or seriously injure the deceased. What gay panic defences try to do is mix motive with intention: the law cares nothing for motive and only for intention. I hope the judge is express in reminding the jury of that in his final direction before they retire to consider the case and that, at some stage, defence lawyers will learn and appreciate that there are better ways to represent your client and the legal system than blaming the victim for having the courage/innocence to believe that this is a world where you are entitled to feel safe and to express your identity without fear.

Friday, August 26, 2005 

Speaking of which...

Immigrant Workers: Slave Labour?
Labour Women Invite You a meeting on the rights of women immigrant workers.
Speakers
Denise Charlton CEO Immigrant Council of Ireland
Siobhan O Donohue- Migrant Rights Centre
Esther Lynch - ICTULabour Party Speaker TBC
Saturday 24th September
3-5 pm Liberty Hall, Dublin

 

Modern Slavery

When teaching and learning international law, and particularly international human rights law, one of the historical antecedents to the modern regime that is often discussed is the ‘abolition of slavery’, and particularly the 1814 Paris Peace Treaty between Britain and France, which condemned the practice of slavery. This notwithstanding however international human rights documents routinely condemn the practice of slavery and servitude and we see practices akin or similar to ‘slavery’ in many aspects of contemporary life.

Remembering, of course, that slavery/servitude basically means lack of freedom tied to work (and not only not being paid for the work) and being conceived of as a chattel, one might easily say that modern work permits, which tie employees to their employers and are held in the names of the employers as opposed to the employees, are a form of bonded servitude or ‘slavery’.

A more traditional form of slavery was considered in the European Court of Human Rights this week, however, in the case of Siliadin v France (http://www.echr.coe.int/). The case concerned Siwa-Akofa Siliadin, a Tongolese national, who, at the age of fifteen, was brought to Paris by a French citizen of Tongolese descent, known as Mrs. D in the case. Once in France, however, Mrs. D and her husband informed her that she would have to work to pay off the cost of the airfare to Paris and, as a result, she was put to work in their home and the homes of their friends to whom they “lent” her for fifteen hours a day for no remuneration and without days off. In addition they confiscated her passport, which was her only means of both identification and escape.

As a result of ineffectual criminal proceedings and criminal laws in France, France was held responsible for the situation as a breach of Article 4 of the ECHR (prohibition on slavery and servitude) and this will, hopefully, lead to the introduction of clearer and stronger anti-servitude laws both there and elsewhere across the Council of Europe states.

Modern servitude is a serious problem, and while it’s not always as clear cut as was the case in Siliadin, there are many examples of modern servitude all around us – vulnerable persons who are either not entitled to work (for example asylum seekers) or who have become irregular for fear of deportation are open season for the penny-pinching and abusive employer. Unfortunately we have few protective laws for people who find themselves in situations of servitude, and who would anyway be unlikely to approach the Gardai for fear of deportation (which is ultimately what makes them so vulnerable).

Here’s hoping this important ECtHR decision kick-starts the black-letter side of things, although the compassionate and understanding system element will take more than an Act of the Oireachtas to develop…

 

Queering Hong Kong

Another jurisdiction, another advance for the ‘gay liberation’ movement (I use the inverted commas not because I disagree with the term but because I’m aware of the objections of many within the ‘community’ to the use of this term). Yes, it appears that Hong Kong is the latest jurisdiction to deal a welcome judicial blow to anti-sodomy laws. Last Wednesday (24th August) Hong Kong High Court judge ruled that the laws, one of which allows for the death penalty for sodomy where one or both men are under twenty-one, were discriminatory and unconstitutional. It should be noted that the age of consent for opposite-sex or (funnily) lesbian couples in Hong Kong was 16.

Of course the decision met with some criticism. One particular critic, the Christian (fundamentalist?) Choi Chi-sum, claimed “We’re talking about the collapse of sexual differences, and soon they’d be demanding marriage and adoption of children” (translation courtesy of findlaw.com). You bet we will bucko. It’s funny how concerned people can get with the ‘domino effect’ when it results in an (unwanted) equality but how blind then can be to it when it consolidates (socially designed and supported) inequality…

The editorial of the Ming Pao Daily also condemned the judgment for fear of it eventually leading to same-sex marriage, while the SingTao Daily warned that this judgment and any other legal protection awarded to minority groups could become a weapon for the “minority dictatorship” (although they tried to ‘soften the blow’ (if you’ll forgive the pun) but condemning gay bashing and homophobia….).

What is interesting about this is that since the emergence of such a strong and vibrant marriage-equalisation campaign it seems as though homophobes have managed to condemn homosexuality by reference to some essential quality of marriage as opposed to having to use the openly condemnatory and bigoted language of the past, unless they expressly choose to do so in a typically Phelpsian way. Therefore politicians etc… can talk about how important it is that same-sex couples are given legal protection that is generally minimal and focused on taxation and immigration (yay for the immigration but what good is extra tax credits going to do someone who’d on a minimum or no wage? Not all queers are rich you know!), but appealing to this essential nature of marriage (the theatre of procreation argument) in order to deny it to same-sex couples.

This isn’t anti-homophobic – it’s exclusion of a group of people from a societal institution that carries with it essential rights and obligations on the basis of an ascribed characteristic and therefore discriminatory and unjustified.

So if this ruling in Hong Kong really is the first step to same-sex marriage there, then I say ‘well done’!

Wednesday, August 24, 2005 

Dali


It’s inevitable that, at some stage in writing a large piece of work, writer’s block will set in, and this seems to be happening to some extent today. It’s not fatal, or even particularly serious, but it has given me an excuse to sit back in my lovely chair and gaze up at the picture on the wall above me – Dali’s The Metamorphosis of Narcissus. Now, clearly, this isn’t the original, but it is my favourite painting. It’s hanging over my desk here in the study and also hangs downstairs over our dining room table (the picture here was originally in my office but since I moved to working at home it came with me!!).

People often wonder what I like so much about this picture and the answer is pretty simple: its complexity. I'm also intrigued by how he chose to interpret the myth of Narcissus itself cleverly combining Narcissus' fate to stare at himself in a mirror until he killed himself and also the flower splitting from his blood. The split perceptions in the painting of figure, hand and rock forms clearly reflect the original poem but also reflects the Surrealist commitment to alchemy as a system of thought, i.e. looking at the idea of transformation from base states of material form to progressively purer states.

Dali also wrote a poem to accompany the painting, which suggests a rejection of Freud's analysis of the Narcissus myth and instead hints at himself and Gala having become fused as two sides of a joint personality:

When that head splits
When that head splits
when that head bursts,
it will be th flower,
the new Narcissus,
Gala-
my Narcissus

 

Train Tipples

The British transport police have expressed concerns about proposals there to extend drinking hours, claiming that violent crime and sexual offences against passengers and stag on railways and the London Underground was ever on the increase and that they had serious concerns about the effect that these later opening hours would have. I can’t say that I blame them. People lose the rag a little when drinking, and mixing excessive alcohol intake with confined spaces, like trains, can never be a good idea.

The policy of Irish Rail to serve alcohol on their trains has therefore always puzzled me. There are a few levels of puzzlement I suppose. Firstly, why would you want to sit there drinking on 11 a.m. train from Cork to Dublin? Train rides aren’t for getting paralytic – they’re for getting from one place to another safely and relatively painlessly (although anyone who’s ever used Irish Rail might disagree with the ‘painlessly’ point). Secondly it makes the traveling experience so unpleasant for everyone else in the train carriage – the carriage stinks of alcohol and there is invariably a singsong and ‘banter’ and buckets full of choice language. The worst thing about it though is that it simply makes no sense to allow people to drink as much as they wish in a confined space like a train particularly given the safety concerns that arise.

I realise that the train company probably makes a great deal of money from their drinks business, but really I do wish that the government would revoke drinks licences for trains. Then we can get started on doing the same with airplanes (have you ever been on a flight with someone who was drunk nearby? It’s hell…and you can’t even have the inspector remove them at the next stop!!)

Monday, August 22, 2005 

Clare Balding



Clare Balding is great - one of the very few 'out' female television presenters on British TV and, in fairness, rather wonderful with it.
YAY for Claire (although....what was with the flowery shirt from Hickstead on Sunday?? Ouch...)

 

de Menezes and Collective Responsibility

Shortly after the attempted bombings in London on July 21st members of the Met shot dead Brazilian Jean Charles de Menezes. At the time of the shooting a number of people, myself included, expressed disturbance and concern at the existence of a shoot to kill policy – and this was at the time when we believed that he had been wearing a bulky jacket, had jumped over ticket turnstiles and run on to the train etc… At that time expressions of concern were mostly met with disdain on UK message boards and forums that I would have been using, particularly www.gingerbeer.co.uk.

It now transpires that, in fact, the deceased did not wear a bulky jacket or jump over a ticket turnstile or run away from police (he ran to catch his train when he realized it was on the platform and he might miss it). It appears that his killing was ‘execution style’ and that he was, essentially, misidentified. Now most people who condemned original concern as liberal clap-trap are equally concerned themselves – particularly people of colour who realise how easily mistakes of this nature might lead to their own deaths.

What people don’t, however, appear to be reflecting on is the level of collective responsibility involved in the tragic death of Jean Charles de Menezes. Of course I’m not suggesting that collectively the trigger was pulled approximately seven times, but that the level of public outcry at the bombings of July 7th and attempted bombings of July 21st had a necessary impact on the mentality and pressures of the police service. In the aftermath of the original bombings the papers (particularly red tops) were full of questions – why did they attack us? Why didn’t the Met protect us? Why do we let terrorists stay here? Why are terrorists not arrested and deported? Etc…
The police force were under a necessary level of pressure to both respond to (to my mind unjustified) criticism and to make people feel safe again. As a result the ‘shoot to kill’ policy was introduced and this led to a mistake – an unjustified use of force, and, indeed, an unjustifiably extreme level of force used. Now if the deceased had in fact been shown to be a terrorist or carrying a bomb or whatever there would have been jubilation and mass congratulations of the police. As he was shown to be innocent there is condemnation of the police but, again, no introspection at how the pressures placed on the force by public opinion might have led to something like this happening.

At some stage the public and the media will need to realise the impact of mass emotional expression and expectation on public policy and the actions of the police force. Will this happen? Probably not – because for that to happen would require people to acknowledge the collective level of guilt involved in the killing of this innocent man, the imprisonment of innocent people who have as yet not commissioned any crimes, house arrest of innocent men and women, separation of people from their families by deportations and exclusion orders etc…

Can the British public handle that level of shame, guilt and responsibility?

 

Incomplete thoughts on Iranian case

In the past few weeks there has been some level of concern at the decision of the Iranian government to execute two boys (one 18 and the other under 18) who, it was originally alleged, were being sentenced for consensual homosexual sex between them. Later reports suggested that the execution (by hanging) was in fact a result of them having had sex with a third thirteen-year-old boy. At the time of the offence both boys would have been between 15 and 17. In Iran, as in any other country, this constituted statutory rape as few if any legal systems recognise the capacity of a 13 year old to consent to sexual activities (particularly outside of marriage – which is contentious in and of itself). A number of issues arise in relation to this case, the foremost of which must surely be that of the death penalty itself.

Iranian law permits the death penalty (usually hanging although also sometimes stoning, particularly for cases of adultery) for a wide range of offences. It also allows for the death penalty for very young offenders (girls from age 9 and boys from age 15). Now even if someone might support the death penalty per se, there are surely concerns around the death penalty for people who committed their offences when they were minors. Those concerns are borne out in the International Convention for Civil and Political Rights, which prohibits juvenile execution. Interestingly the US government entered an ‘understanding’ in relation to this portion of the Convention and it was only earlier this year that the US Supreme Court held that offenders who commit offences when minors may not be executed (Roper v Simmons March 1st, 2005). So the application of the death penalty is one element of this tragic tale and I presume most people would agree is condemnable.

The greater level of interest or curiosity however in the reports around the involvement of the then-13 year old boy. Firstly it must be acknowledged that, very often, the Iranian government will add details to cases that have attracted international condemnation, as this one did (particularly in the European Parliament). Therefore it is quite conceivable that this 13 year old boy was not, in fact, involved at all. This is bolstered by the fact that he was never tried (although he would have been too young to be executed under Iranian law) – in Iran both victims and perpetrators of sexual violence can be tried and found equally culpable for the series of events. On the other hand it is also conceivable that this version of events is accurate – we will, in all likelihood, never actually know what actually happened. However the overwhelming reaction of gay media has been to condemn the idea of executing people for engaging in homosexual activity without necessarily exploring the consent/lack of consent issue that arises in this case. As already noted execution is worthy of condemnation, but let’s just replace the word with ‘punishment’ or ‘punish’ (whatever the equivalent punishment would be in any other nation). The reporting around this particular story suggests to some extent that the gay media would condemn punishment of the boys for having sex with a thirteen year old boy (remember that regardless of the façade of consent, persons of that age are not capable of consenting in law). This is a disturbing trend – I don’t believe that people think it ok for boys that age to have sex with boys who are around 13 but that perhaps our shock and digust at the notion of execution for homosexual activity, and our failure to equate execution with punishment (for that is what the execution was) has blinkered our capacity to make some kind of moral judgement around the alleged act itself, should it have happened.

Of course there are culturally relative issues to consider; not only the strictly Islamic nature of the Iranian state, but also the practice in many Muslim states of young boys having sex with young boys. This results from the glorification of female virginity and the strict restriction of female sexual expression to marriage. These are documented trends of men having sex with men prior to marriage in Muslim countries, and this does not necessarily mean that these men are gay. So certainly these issues must be taken into account in our process of considering the moral culpability or blameworthiness of these particular boys, that process however is essential. Not only should we carry out a process of moral blame allocation in relation to the punishment handed down to these boys, but also consider whether we feel there was anything for which those boys were themselves morally culpable.

Friday, August 12, 2005 

Statutory Interpretaton and the Rule of Law

This morning the UK Government’s assault of basic tenets of law and legal fairness appears to have continued with reports that the Government will consider introducing a piece of legislation to instruct the judiciary on how to interpret proposed new anti-terrorism laws. According to the BBC this morning Lord Falconer has stated that he would place a clause in the Act requiring the judiciary to give equal credence to national security and human rights in interpreting and applying rights and anti-terror legislation (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/4144186.stm).

There are a number of difficulties with this, the most important of which are probably (a) lack of necessity, (b) s. 3 Human Rights Act 1998, and (c) the Rule of Law.

It is highly unlikely that such a provision is actually required as it is common that, in times of emergency, domestic judges tend to give particular deference to the government tending to see them as well placed to balance the needs of liberty and security. It appears, therefore, to be unnecessary to remind judges to take national security into account. This does not, however, appear to be a mere reminder but rather a requirement, presumably motivated by the by now regularly uttered governmental concerns about human rights trumping their attempts to ‘crack down on terrorism’.

This is probably motivated by s. 3 of the Human Rights Act 1998 which provides:

So far as possible to do so, primary legislation and secondary legislation should be read and given effect in a way which is compatible with Convention rights.

The purpose of s. 3 is essentially to allow Courts to read Convention rights (i.e. European Convention on Human Rights) into statutory provisions in order to try to ensure effective incorporation of the Convention and ensure, as far as possible, compliance with that Convention. Many have argued that the radical nature of s. 3 has not been fully appreciated, or at least not until the formative case of Ghaidan v Godin- Mendoza [2004] UKHL 30 in which the House of Lords held that s. 3 may require a court to depart from the clear and unambiguous meaning of a provision in order to ensure compliance with the Convention. In essence this meant that, instead of making a Declaration of Incompatibility with the Convention, the Courts should have recourse to s. 3 and try to reinterpret provisions to make them compatible (see, particularly, the judgment of Lord Steyn). The Government is, presumably, concerned that their intended meaning of anti-terrorist legislation would be abandoned in favour of a rights-compliant interpretation. This, of course, reveals the Government’s lack of commitment to human rights where it might require more imaginative, sophisticated and heavily resources counter-terrorist policing strategies.

Perhaps the most serious implication of such a move would be that it would represent a challenge to the fundamental principle of the Rule of Law. While the Rule of Law has many strands to its meaning the most important in this context is that the Judiciary act as the control mechanism within society ensuring that all limbs of government comply with basic concepts of fairness and are all subject to law and legal restrictions. Part of the utility of the Human Rights Act and the European Convention of Human Rights is that it provides a rights-based control mechanism administered by the judiciary. Governmental attempts to undermine that rights-based foundation and curtail judicial interpretation are a clear challenge to the Rule of Law and represent perhaps the greatest constitutional crisis Britain has seen in quite some time.

Wednesday, August 10, 2005 

Watching the UK

I suppose that the sense of frustration is understandable – the United Kingdom had presumably felt itself immune from Islamist terrorism not only because of an arrogant sense of belief in the infallibility of their security systems but also because terrorist cells had so long used London as their base and one does not, generally, do the proverbial on their own doorstep. That notwithstanding, however, London was attacked on 7th July and, unsuccessfully, on 21st July. The attacks shocked Londoners certainly, but they were not as serious as attacks seen in New York, Madrid, Kenya and, indeed, Iraq and Afghanistan. In fact, while tragic, London’s attacks were probably the least costly in terms of human life of all the Al-Qaeida related attacks in recent years. What, however, the cost in liberty?

As is customary in cases of terrorism the government has responded to these attacks by clamping down on security (including allegations of racial profiling only partially denied by the Metropolitan Police Force) and clamping down on rights. Last Friday Tony Blair announced that he would introduce wide ranging new anti-terrorism laws and that he would, if necessary, ‘rewrite’ the Human Rights Act 1998 in order to do so. Rewriting the Act, of course, consists of de-righting it, which is the great pity. In times of terrorism it is so easy to sacrifice rights and liberty in order to protect ‘national security’ and ‘the common good’. It is also easy to convince a frightened and victimized public that these curtailments in liberty are necessary, especially when they never appear to conceive of them being applied to ‘us’, for misjudgments and miscarriages of justice never happen…particularly when things are being done in secret terror courts and under draconian laws. It is also easy to convince mainstream Muslims that they should show their support for these laws, not necessarily because they believe in their sensibility and efficacy, but because to do otherwise would see them labeled ‘other’ and ‘fundamentalist’.

A number of key recommendations from Blair include:

 Expanded grounds for deporting foreigners, including fostering hatred, advocating violence to further a person's beliefs or justifying such violence.

While on first glance this may seem perfectly reasonable the problem arises where the person may be being returned to a country where they are likely to be subjected to torture or inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment. To do this would be in breach of Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which is an absolute and non-derogable right without any limitation whatsoever. The Government has said they will receive ‘assurances’ from recipient governments that the returnees will not be subjected to such treatment, or to the death penalty, however this may not satisfy the standard required to avoid breach of Article 3. And what is to happen when a country will not provide such an assurance? Or where there is evidence of such assurances not having been honoured in the past??

 Creating a new crime of condoning or glorifying terrorism.

I don’t even know how one might define such a thing in legal terms – what about freedom of thought and expression? If I were to say, as I often have, that I felt that there was some justification for the terrorist actions in London (i.e. UK foreign policy, disenfranchisement etc…) although I do not support them would that mean I was guilty of an offence?? For holding and voicing an opinion alone? One that I did not intend to incite a crime or lead to harm? One with which I was not even reckless?

This offence appears to me to be designed to please what I call ‘the Mirror Mob’ (i.e. red top readers who need to be pacified with something that sounds vaguely satisfactory) but I wouldn’t fancy the job of trying to draft or enforce the law.

 Refusing asylum to anyone with terrorism links.

If terrorism links are going to be defined as widely and vaguely as they are in the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act then this is simply preposterous.

 Expanding the government's powers to strip citizenship from naturalized citizens if they participate in extremism.

My immediate reaction to this is – what?? Again questions of the definition of ‘participating in extremism’ are vital to this decision. Clearly the government feels curtailed by the fact that they can’t deport citizens, for example, so this is designed as a means of changing one’s status from citizen to non-citizen in order to deport. Its single application to naturalized citizens equally reveals its racially motivated roots.

 Considering expanding police powers to hold terrorist suspects for three months without charge. The current time limit is 14 days.

I am fascinated about how they are going to get around the ECHR with this one….

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