Amid the rightful indignation around the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, the war in Iraq, the war in Afghanistan
etc… one might reasonably wonder whether the race for the Supreme Court really makes that much of a difference. If you ask me, it makes more difference now than perhaps ever before.
The Chief Justice of the United States holds a vital position within the legal and administrative system in that country (see, for example,
Leadership and the Supreme Court by Robert Steamer). It is indeed for that very reason that he is referred to as the Chief Justice of
the United States as opposed to of the Supreme Court: his role is to usher the Court through turbulent and calm times retaining always the independence of the judiciary, the role of the Courts and the values of the Constitution and the Rule of Law as paramount considerations. Therefore President Bush’s very recent announcement that John Roberts is his nominee for the position of Chief Justice causes justifiable concern among many – even more-so than when he was nominated as an Associate Judge.
The Chief Justice plays two particularly important roles: he presides over Presidential and Vice-Presidential impeachment, and (when in the majority) writes the majority judgment or nominates an Associate Justice to do so. Following on from the recent events in the United States and, indeed, the concerns around misleading the public and congress (and the United Nations) in relation to the justifications for the War in Iraq, breaching international law
etc… it would be surprising if wide-spread calls for impeachment were not heard within a reasonable amount of time.
It is quite clear that there is
at least a question mark over George W Bush’s capacity to carry out the role of President in a manner that is legal, responsible, democratic and reasonable. It would be naïve to imagine that the White House is unaware of this potential for impeachment and that this would not play a role in the nomination of the Chief Justice: Roberts is a long-time supporter of the Bush family and Second Bush Administration.
He was Deputy Solicitor General in the first Bush Administration (1989-1993), during which time he acted in 39 major Supreme Court cases, winning 25. Bush Senior nominated him to the Supreme Court for the District of Columbia but no Senate vote was held before Bush lost the next Presidential election to Clinton. Then he advised Jed Bush, Governor of Florida, in light of the 2000 General Election (reportedly as to how Florida could name Bush Jnr as the winner in the poll).
He received judicial appointment in January 2003, to the Supreme Court for the District of Columbia, and while on that bench he presided over the controversial case of
Hamdan in which he held that the Geneva Conventions gave no rights to individuals that were justiciable in the courts and that detainees in the War on Terror could be tried in military courts. This decision, of course, greatly assisted the President in retaining as few legal barrier to protracted detention as possible and removed that old problem of international law.
This is but a mere snapshot of the relationship between Roberts and the Bush family – one that appears close, consistent, and anything but ‘judicial’. To what extent, then, could the American people trust Roberts to remain independent and impartial in the event of an impeachment proceeding?
The second main area of concern relates to writing decisions for the majority. As a common law system the United States relies on judicial precedent in order to decide future cases with broadly analogous facts or questions of legal principle. Decisions of the Supreme Court therefore play a vital role in the legal system, and the political colours and ideology of Supreme Court judges, and particularly Chief Justices, is an important consideration. Throughout his career Roberts has lobbied for limitation of the judicial role and increased deference to governmental discretion, and particularly Presidential discretion. To this end he has, at various times, attempted to minimise the impact of Title IX, argued that the gender pay gap was ‘purported’ as opposed to factual, attempted to minimise federal involvement in cases around education and segregation, argued that
Roe v Wade was “wrongly decided and should be overturned”, and been critical of ‘judicial activism’. Taking this history into account, and taking into account that all lower courts are bound by the decisions of the Supreme Court, to what extent might, or
could, a Roberts Supreme Court backtrack on vital issues of individual rights?
This term the Supreme Court will face major questions relating to diability rights, gay rights and reproductive rights (for example): questions that exercise moral consciousness and challenge the true nature of Americanism. Whether you adorn your walls with pictures of elephants or donkeys should have no bearing on whether you support John Roberts as nominee for the position of Chief Justice. Rather your decision, and that of the President and Congress, should be based on his shown capacity, or incapacity, to exercise the precious judicial attributes of reasonableness, careful diligence, independence, objectivity and proportionality. Do you think he can rise to the challenge?
Cross-posted at http://blogcritics.org